The Bush administration’s reaction to Pakistani General Pervez Musharraf’s Nov. 3 declaration of emergency rule has been a strategic and moral muddle. In standing by its man in Islamabad, even going so far as to claim that Musharraf “truly is somebody who believes in democracy,” Bush risks alienating moderate elements in Pakistani society who constitute the main bulwark against Islamist extremism. As if this weren’t enough, Bush’s policy also makes a mockery of his vaunted “freedom agenda” at a moment when American credibility is already at low ebb in much of the Muslim world.

Pakistan has always been a difficult ally. It is the world’s least-stable nuclear-armed nation. It has a history of fomenting violence against its neighbors. Nonetheless, after the 9/11 terrorist attacks, it was also an indispensable partner. The United States urgently needed Pakistan’s cooperation to drive the Taliban and al-Qa’ida out of neighboring Afghanistan.

Musharraf joined the war on terror, cut ties with the Taliban, and, for good measure, worked quietly to dampen tensions with India over Kashmir. As a reward for this cooperation, the Bush administration designated Pakistan a “significant non-NATO ally” and opened the aid spigots-$10 billion for Pakistan’s military and intelligence agencies since late 2001.

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Since the 9/11 attacks, the United States has struggled to find the right way to try suspected terrorists. Harvey Rishikof, a professor of law and former chair of the Department of National Security Strategy at the National War College in Washington, D.C., has authored a new Progressive Policy Institute, “A Federal Terrorism Court,” that proposes a new means of handling these complex cases:

“Modern terrorism raises myriad questions for our traditional institutions of government and justice: Is a terrorist action a criminal violation or a political act? Should terrorism be prosecuted under the laws of armed conflict or the criminal-justice system? Is terrorism primarily a domestic or foreign issue? Do international conventions govern the process of confinement and interrogation of terrorists? Does it make a difference if the victims of terrorism are combatants or non-combatants? What is the appropriate “due process” for different categories of detainees, unlawful belligerents, and terrorists?

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The National Guard and Reserves constitute a vital-and versatile-layer of our national security. These volunteers historically serve a dual role. They respond to domestic emergencies such as riots or natural disasters, but they also serve as reinforcements to our active-duty military. It is in this latter role that the National Guard and Reserve have seen profound shifts in their duty-and, in many cases, a serious depletion in their numbers, their readiness, and their availability for stateside emergency service.

Phillip Carter, an Iraq war veteran who has served in the National Guard, reserve, and active-duty components of the United States Army, has written a new paper for the Progressive Policy Institute, “Rebuilding America’s Reserves,” in which he explains the origins and scope of the present challenge, and suggests policy proposals to address it:

“America’s military reserves face unprecedented strains. These vital components of our national security, consisting of citizen soldiers’ who deploy for crises ranging from domestic natural disasters to overseas combat, have been misused and overstretched by an administration that failed to plan adequately for the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. As a result, the National Guard and Reserve are increasingly unable to carry out their core missions.

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The Department of Homeland Security is a child of catastrophe, born in the stunned aftermath of the 9/11 attacks. This massive new agency was an amalgamation of 22 departments, each with its own history, its own culture, and its own mandate.

Predictably (and many did predict it), such an unwieldy creature has had trouble gaining its footing. In the floods following Hurricane Katrina, the agency failed to carry out its basic duty of protecting American lives. The department has struggled with the massive, thankless tasks of securing our borders, our seaports, and our air traffic.

What to do with this behemoth? Elaine Kamarck, a lecturer in public policy at Harvard University’s John F. Kennedy School of Government and a former White House official who managed the Clinton administration’s National Performance Review, has written a new paper for the Progressive Policy Institute on strategies for reforming the Department of Homeland Security. Here are excerpts:

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Upon reading that Lou Dobbs was considering throwing his hat into the ring, the folks at the DLC took a moment to settle on the “Top 10 Reasons that Lou Dobbs Should Run for President.” Here they are:

10. Because Dennis Kucinich will only protect us from space aliens.

9. When Tom Tancredo drops out, he’ll still have someone to vote for.

8. To get a drivers license, you’ll have to run over an illegal immigrant.

7. “It’s yesterday afternoon in America.”

6. This gives Ross Perot the chance to run as “a sane Lou Dobbs.”

5. Monthly cable bill will drop 50% when Dobbs no longer makes all CNN employees buy pitchforks and muskets.

4. It’ll be sooo great when Drudge discovers Lou’s housekeeper is undocumented.

3. It’s been too long since the last Great Depression.

2. Mitt Romney just isn’t creepy enough.

1. The way to make history in 2008: elect an old white guy.

In the national press coverage of last week’s off-year elections around the country, most of the attention was devoted to partisan outcomes such as the Democratic gubernatorial win in Kentucky, and the Democratic takeover of the Virginia Senate.

But voters in Utah dealt summarily with perhaps the most ambitious effort yet to use public funds for vouchers in private elementary and secondary schools, defeating a statewide, non-means-tested voucher plan by a 62%-38% margin.

This was, as voucher opponents quickly pointed out, the eleventh time since 1972 that voters in some part of the country considered voucher or tuition-tax-credit proposals, and the eleventh time they’ve been rejected. Voucher ballot initiatives have actually lost twice in California, Colorado, and Michigan.

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Today, the Progressive Policy Institute and the Ideas Primary project are collaborating to sponsor a Capitol Hill forum, “Raising Our Guard: New Ideas for Defending Our Homeland and Defeating Terrorism.”

The event begins at 10:30 a.m. today (Wednesday, Nov. 14) in room 2322 of the Rayburn House Office Building. Congressman Joe Sestak (D-Pa.), a former U.S. Navy three-star admiral who was among the new Democrats entering Congress following the historic elections of 2006 will open the program, which will then proceed with three ways Democrats can close the so-called “security gap.”

At the event, three distinguished scholars will each release a new paper proposing a new way to strengthen our national institutions to meet today’s myriad security challenges:

• Elaine Kamarck on homeland-security reform
• Harvey Rishikof on the merits of a Federal Terrorism Court
• Phillip Carter on the need to rebuild and refocus America’s National Guard and Reserves.

National security is an issue that has historically vexed Democrats, particularly in presidential elections. Today’s forum represents our continuing effort to put forth progressive ideas for strengthening our defenses and protecting our freedoms.

Last week, the Senate passed a measure that would provide $10 billion for Amtrak over the next six years. The legislation, if passed, would not only go a long way towards helping Amtrak get out of its financial hole, but the infusion of cash would provide a major boost of investment in our rail infrastructure at a time when demand for passenger trains is growing.

Contrary to popular opinion, since the mid 1990s, we have seen an explosion in rail demand and service, primarily focused among commuter and short to medium intercity routes. From 1995 to 2005, commuter rail usage grew over 20 percent, from 352 to 423 million passenger trips. Over the same period, 421 miles of new commuter and light rail track has been built.

Nearly half of the 21 commuter railroads in North America did not exist 15 years ago. Most of those new systems are based in Chicago and several Northeastern cities, including New York, Philadelphia, and Boston. Today commuter railroads are located in metropolitan areas across the nation, including Miami, Los Angeles, Nashville, the Virginia suburbs of Washington, D.C., and Dallas. And many more are on the way.

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Over the course of more than six years of conflict, we have learned the hard way that the tactics of “shock and awe” are not going to win what many are calling the long war against terrorists and extremists. The same military that quickly toppled the Taliban and Saddam Hussein is now in the midst of protracted struggles against determined adversaries that are stretching the army, some fear, to the breaking point.

Our next president will face the daunting task of ensuring we don’t, in fact, break the army - and that we have a military capable of winning not only conventional conflicts, but the variety of threats facing the U.S. around the world. This will require that we properly resource the parts of our military that possess the unique skill sets to navigate the underlying security, economic, political, and security challenges in an unconventional environments like Iraq, Afghanistan, and elsewhere.

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Just a generation ago, Americans rested easy knowing that if they worked hard and followed the rules they could count on a secure retirement. Today thoughts of retirement no longer center on new hobbies and extra time with grandchildren. Instead, long term financial planning causes great stress and angst for most American workers.

The days of working 40 years at one company and retiring with a pension and a gold watch are over. Workers are now more likely to have multiple jobs over the course of a working lifetime and companies have moved away from defined benefit plans. Coupled with decreased average wages and a widening income gap, Americans find themselves more vulnerable to financial hardships during retirement.

The statistics are startling. Only 55 percent of full-time American workers hold a job with a retirement savings plan. Of those who are offered a savings plan, one-quarter turn them down. According to U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis, America has witnessed a declining savings rate since 2000, with a negative savings rate for 2005 - the first negative rate since the Great Depression.

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